Un manuel qui met l'accent sur les méthodes et méthodologies propres à la science politique, avec des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche.

Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers :

• une présentation pédagogique des méthodes de collecte et d’analyse des données
• des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche
• des exemples concrets extraits de la littérature récente
• des tableaux de synthèse, des mises en situation et des définitions des termes clés

Pour apprendre à :

• réaliser un travail scientifique
• élaborer une stratégie de recherche
• choisir et collecter les données pertinentes
• analyser et interpréter les résultats
• identifier les forces et les faiblesses de chaque méthode

Avec exercices interactifs en fin de chapitres pour intégrer et réviser la matière

Table des matières

• Chapitre 1 : La science politique, une mosaïque de postures
• Chapitre 2 : Les approches théoriques
• Chapitre 3 : Les grandes options méthodologiques
• Chapitre 4 : Les étapes de la construction d’une stratégie de recherche
• Chapitre 5 : Enquêtes et bases de données
• Chapitre 6 : Les méthodes expérimentales
• Chapitre 7 : Les entretiens
• Chapitre 8 : L’analyse de discours et de contenu 
• Chapitre 9 : L'analyse des réseaux sociaux
• Chapitre 10 : Le traçage de processus dans une étude de cas
• Chapitre 11 : L’observation empirique

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Manuel mettant en évidence les méthodes et méthodologies propres à la science politique, avec des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche.

Une initiation à la recherche en science politique à travers : 
- des conseils pratiques pour mener à bien un travail de recherche 
- une présentation pédagogique des méthodes de collecte et d’analyse des données 
- des exemples concrets extraits de la littérature récente 
- des tableaux de synthèse, des mises en situation et des définitions des termes clés

Pour apprendre à : 
- élaborer une stratégie de recherche 
- choisir et collecter les données pertinentes 
- analyser et interpréter les résultats 
- identifier les forces et les faiblesses de chaque méthode

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Pourquoi les pays occidentaux versent-ils davantage d’aide au développement aux autocraties qu’aux démocraties ? Pourquoi le Danemark réussit-il à exercer une influence disproportionnée au sein de l’Union européenne ? Pourquoi le Canada a-t-il fait du maintien de la paix la pierre angulaire de sa politique étrangère ? Ce manuel propose une introduction aux théories et aux méthodes de l’analyse de la politique étrangère. Il passe en revue les principales approches, des classiques aux plus récentes. Plus qu’une simple synthèse, il identifie les courants émergents, les lacunes qui doivent être comblées, les données qui peuvent être mobilisées, les pièges à éviter et les références bibliographiques à creuser. C’est le point d’entrée incontournable pour tous les étudiants, les doctorants et les chercheurs qui entament un projet de recherche sur la politique étrangère.

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Aligning global governance to the challenges of sustainability is one of the most urgent international issues to be addressed. This book is a timely and up-to-date compilation of the main pieces of the global environmental governance puzzle.

Essential Concepts of Global Environmental Governance synthesizes writing from an internationally diverse range of well-known experts. Each entry defines a central concept in global environmental governance, presents its historical evolution and related debates, and includes key bibliographical references. This new edition takes stock of several recent developments in global environmental politics including the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change, the UN Global Pact for the Environment attempt in 2017, and the 2018 Oceans Plastics Charter. More precisely, this book:

• offers cutting-edge analysis of the state of global environmental governance;

• presents an up-to-date debate on sustainable development at the global level;

• gives an in-depth exploration of current architecture of global environmental governance;

• examines the interaction between environmental politics and other policy fields such as trade, development, and security;

• provides a critical review of the recent global environmental governance literature.

Innovative thinking and high-profile expertise come together to create a volume that is accessible to students, scholars, and practitioners alike.

"Essential Concepts of Global Environmental Governance is an incredibly useful resource for students. It provides short introductory entries for students new to the field or from a related field. The authors compiled an impressive and cohesive list of entries that provides an excellent foundation for all students of global environmental governance." -- Gabriela Kuetting, Professor of Global Politics, Rutgers University, USA

"This volume provides an essential glossary of critical terms and concepts in the field of international environmental politics for diplomats, analysts and students. The interdisciplinary array of expert authors provides terse and authoritative overview of the key concepts and debates that have defined the field of international environmental governance over the years. The entries carefully survey the intellectual ecosystem of the concepts applied to understanding and managing our global environmental crisis." –Peter M. Haas, Professor of Political Science, University of Massachusetts Amherst, USA

"This volume is an indispensable resource for distilling what is most important for understanding the vast terrain of global environmental policy. Written by leading scholars, this book offers an authoritative lexicon to which one can turn for a quick, in-depth, and reliable reference. I wish this book was around when I was a student. I’m glad it is around now that I’m a professor." – Paul Wapner, Professor of Global Environmental Politics, American University, USA　

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By focusing on the wider process of negotiations, this novel volume presents the first systematic analysis of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The authors include scholars and practitioners from across disciplines and various academic institutions around Europe and North America, but also from outside of the transatlantic basin. While presenting a thorough examination of the process of TTIP negotiations, the volume is divided into four parts with each part examining a broader theme and offering three or four shorter exploratory chapters that are accessible to academics, students, policy-makers and a wider audience.

The volume explores historical and theoretical aspects of TTIP (with chapters by Gamble, Keohane and Morse, Telò), the beginnings of the TTIP talks and the role of individual actors (Mayer, Novotná, Dür and Lechner, Strange), TTIP’s possible knock-on effects and consequences for third parties (Aggarwal and Evenett, Duchesne and Ouellet, Zhang, Ponjaert) as well as impact on multilateral institutions and regimes complexes (Mavroidis, Mortensen, Meunier and Morin, Pauwelyn).

Endorsement:  

"This volume addresses a crucial issue of global and interregional trade governance by including an international team of   leading scholars from a variety of disciplines and viewpoints. Collectively the authors identify the major stakes and provide a comprehensive and highly competent overview of the main political implications of the ‘Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership’ negotiations from both sides (North America and Europe), while keeping in mind the controversial interplay with global governance and emergent economies. Highly recommended for students, scholars, practitioners and informed citizens looking for critical and solid orientation in a very sensitive and uncertain matter."

- Pascal Lamy, Honorary President of Notre Europe, former Director general of the WTO and European Commissioner for Trade 

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This paper examines the impact of trade provisions on treaty dynamism. It differentiates between static treaties, which remain unaltered, and dynamic treaties, which generate new commitments, either by bringing about additional rules or attracting new parties. We argue that incorporating trade provisions into multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) enhances their dynamism. Such provisions can empower interest groups to advocate for new international commitments and can prompt businesses in non-party states to pressure their governments to join the MEA. Analyzing a dataset of 647 MEAs, we find that provisions that restrict trade flows are associated with higher numbers of amendments and accessions. This insight is crucial for resolving the so-called ‘ambition/participation dilemma’ and designing more adaptable treaties, particularly at a time when there is increasing enthusiasm for using trade measures to set up international climate clubs.

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The global space industry is booming. While governmental agencies used to dominate outer space activities, private space organizations (PSOs) now launch rockets, operate strategic satellites, and even take tourists on space expeditions. How can we explain this emergence of PSOs? Building on organizational ecology theory and drawing on a novel dataset of 1,751 space organizations and 52 semi-structured interviews, this paper finds that mutualistic relations between governmental space agencies and PSOs have been instrumental in the rise of PSOs. This emphasis on mutualism challenges the prevailing belief that a few visionary private entrepreneurs create the space industry from the ground up. It also refutes the notion that PSOs simply out-compete a stagnant public sector. PSOs have not superseded governmental space agencies; they are nurtured by and develop with them. This paper is one of the first to explain how private actors can emerge in a field historically dominated by governmental actors. In doing so, it contributes to studies on public-private interactions by showing how mutualism can structure a nascent industry. It also opens up new avenues for research on the political economy of outer space by making available a rich dataset of space actors

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Expert consensus helps policymakers solve complex problems by identifying and legitimizing policy solutions. Yet, persistent hesitation remains among policymakers regarding the technically adequate policy solution despite the existence and mobilization of epistemic communities. This paper contends that more attention should be given to studying the epistemic competition that may arise when multiple epistemic communities grapple with the same problem but have divergent understandings of its technical nature and its adequate policy solutions. Building on Science and Technology Studies and on the literature on polarization, this paper suggests that two social dynamics, namely the mobilization of resources and increased polarization, may complexify the technical disagreement among experts. In turn, these dynamics may lead to a deadlock in the debates, negatively impacting the institutional context where they take place. To illustrate this, this paper analyzes the case of the pharmaceutical innovation system, which has been prone to tensions between experts arguing for strong patent protection and experts arguing for greater flexibility to meet public health needs. This paper builds on a mixed method combining a social network analysis of experts invited to provide their expertise in the WHO-WTO-WIPO Trilateral Cooperation events and on semi-structured interviews with 24 of these experts.

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How do states’ positions across multiple and interconnected economic networks affect their power? The Weaponized Interdependence (WI) scholarship emphasizes that states centrally located in global economic networks have access to new sources of coercion. In this paper, we look at how their positions across multiple networks interact with each other to create new opportunities and vulnerabilities. We use network analysis to map the semiconductor supply chain and show that it can be viewed as four interrelated networks: (1) design, (2) raw material, (3) manufacturing equipment, and (4) assembled chips. We then highlight how states’ centrality varies across these networks and how it shapes their respective opportunities for coercion. Looking specifically at the United States, we emphasize how its centrality in the design network enables it to weaponize chokepoints in the trade network of assembled chips. In so doing the paper makes three contributions. First, it highlights how interactions among multiple economic networks provide new opportunities for states to weaponize interdependence. Second, it contributes to recent attempts using network analysis to analyze structural power on the global stage. Last, it demonstrates how network methodology can help detect potential (ab)uses of WI and how the potential for weaponization evolves over time.

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From climate change to disruptive technologies, policymakers constantly face new problems calling for unprecedented institutional solutions. Yet, we still poorly understand the inventive process leading to the emergence of new institutional forms. Existing theories argue that exogenous changes provide incentives and opportunities for institutional invention. However, they fail to explain how the inventive process itself endogenously structures their emergence. Drawing from complexity theory and Brian Arthur’s work on technological inventions, we develop a structural theory recasting the process of inventing new institutions as the combination of pre-existing institutions. Building on three assumptions related to this combinatorial process, we argue that the distance between institutions shapes the emergence of new institutional forms and their regime’s trajectory. Following the initial take-off in the number of institutional inventions at the creation of a regime, we expect the rate of institutional inventions over replications will slow down as nearby institutions are combined and accelerate as distant ones are combined. We illustrate these expectations by looking at three regimes: data privacy, climate governance, and investment protection. Together, they showcase how our combinatorial theory can help make sense of the emergence of unprecedented institutions and, more generally, the pace of unfolding complexity in various international regimes.

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International law and its understanding can evolve outside of treaties, but little is known about the elements that can explain these changes. This paper looks at the debate on border carbon adjustment (BCA) compatibility with the World Trade Organization (WTO) and argues that international law depends on the actors’ perceptions, which can change over time. It applies an interactional international law framework to explain how a policy that was once deemed incompatible with WTO rules is now considered ‘WTO-compliant’ by the European Union. A discourse network analysis is conducted based on debates from the WTO and the literature over 24 years. Results show that since 2012, the legal literature has increasingly been more confident that BCA could be WTO-compatible, despite the absence of significant changes in WTO case law during the same period. This increase in support was sustained by an expanded practice of legality and a perceived lack of legality of applicable WTO rules. This research offers new insights into the dynamics of international law. It provides new methodological avenues for scholars seeking to trace the evolution of law and legal understanding through formal and informal processes

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Private regulations are often presented as low-cost and flexible institutions that can act as policy incubators. In this article, I question under which conditions they go beyond legal compliance and experiment with new rules. Based on a content analysis of 126 data privacy regulations adopted between 1995 and 2016 in the European Union and the United States and thirty-five semistructured interviews, I show that most private regulations include no regulatory novelties. By disaggregating the temporal and spatial distribution of the few novelties, I add nuance to this overall finding and show that private regulations adopted in the United States before 2000 experimented more than others. I argue that this variation reflects the different demands for private regulation in the two jurisdictions and their evolution over time. In the European Union, the early adoption of privacy laws led public regulators and businesses to look for private regulations to reduce transaction costs and thus limited their interest in experimenting with new requirements. In the United States, businesses hoped to gain a first-mover advantage by including new data privacy rules in their private regulations. However, the growing use of private regulations to ease transnational data flows also led to their use as tools to reduce transaction costs.

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Discourses about Arctic resources and their exploitation often carry a lot of misconceptions. In this chapter, we specifically want to deconstruct some of these tenacious representations. Through a political geography approach, we propose an examination of the spatial logic of the exploitation of extractive resources in the Arctic and underlying political stakes. We begin with an overview of the availability of proven and estimated resources in the region. Starting from this first observation, which already contributes to nuance an often too optimistic discourse on regional availability, we consider the many constraints that arise in the face of exploitation: technical, financial constraints… We also emphasize the importance of distinguishing between hydrocarbons and mining resources: the difficulties encountered are not of the same order. This allows us finally to analyze the political stakes of resource exploitation in the Arctic – from local geopolitics and social acceptability to major global issues. While the exploitation of resources in the Arctic is an established fact, we wish to propose a nuanced analysis of this reality and to consider its scope at all scales.

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Several billionaires have recently emerged as leaders of climate governance. So far, little research has examined how they legitimize their involvement in climate networks. We argue that billionaire governance entrepreneurs have high levels of resources but low procedural legitimacy. They pursue output legitimacy to support their political action, highlighting their effectiveness in managing climate issues. Their main strategies, depoliticization, outgrouping, and technical solutionism, may give them short-term legitimacy but risk undermining their long-term goals of addressing climate change. We analyze the discursive legitimation strategies of a successful billionaire entrepreneur in transnational climate governance, Michael Bloomberg. Our empirical analysis is based on the study of more than 800 statements, speeches, and news releases related to Bloomberg’s climate action from 2010 to 2021. It contributes to the study of entrepreneurship, leadership, philanthropy, and transnational actors in climate governance.

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The ability of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) to keep pace with their changing circumstances is crucial for a more effective global environmental governance. Yet, we know little about how new institutional design features are taken up by MEAs, allowing them to evolve over time. Building upon Kingdon’s (1984) multiple streams theory, I conceive the development of new institutional design features as the association between streams of problems, solutions, and political receptivity at critical moments. I apply this framework to two features introduced within the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) framework and find that the main design entrepreneurs were the UNCCD Secretariat and independent scientists. The article provides important insight into characteristics that can make MEAs more adaptive. Namely, treaty bodies able to generate feedback about problems, push for solutions, and provide windows of opportunity for advocates to present and revise their proposals were found critical to the development of new design features.

Many representations and narratives about the Arctic and Arctic politics carry misconceptions and flawed generalizations. Usually, the term ‘Arctic’ is used as an unproblematized—by default—geographical frame, without considering why this particular ‘Arctic’ framing was chosen and what this choice entails. Yet, considering geographical framing is important as the very choice behind it already carries a political agenda. This paper argues that focussing on the interplay between the different ‘scales’ of the Arctic can shed light on the politics of Arctic scales and resulting discourses. To that end, I analysed every Arctic strategy published by both Arctic and non-Arctic actors. I concentrated on strategies that specifically focused on the Arctic region as a whole, to draw comparisons from these framings. Using thematic analysis, I examined how the Arctic is construed and how the scale at which Arctic issues are framed comes with political consequences. In doing so, I wish to underline the interplay scales and underlying political processes. I conclude by stressing that recognising and attending to the production of ‘scale’ as an inherently political process greatly improves our understanding of regional politics.

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Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) increasingly include environmental provisions. While the existing literature documents these provisions’ environmental impacts, this paper sheds light on their relation with aid flows. Using an event-specification and data on bilateral Official Development Assistance (ODA) commitments for a sample of 147 developing country recipients in the period from 2002-2017, we find evidence that the number of environmental provisions in PTAs is positively associated with aid during negotiation phases. With high-income countries typically pre-determining the extent of environmental provisions in their upcoming PTAs, this suggests that aid serves as a side-payment for recipients to sweeten the pot and agree upon already formulated PTA content. While both aggregate ODA and its subcomponent environmental aid a priori qualify as candidates for pre-signature side-payments, we find that only the former fulfills this expectation, presumably reflecting more leeway to exploit aid fungibility.

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Geographic Indications (GIs) are an internationally recognised form of protection for goods based on their quality or reputation and a fairly recent instrument in Brazilian law. In this context, there is an ongoing discussion in academia regarding the relevance of GIs as a tool to promote the sustainable development of territories. This debate considers that there is a strong connection between a good’s reputation and quality and its traditional and sustainable production practices. This research aims to understand how Brazilian GI regulation of agricultural products protects and encompasses socio-environmental sustainability dimensions, discussing the main gaps and opportunities thereof. For that, from an interdisciplinary perspective, this study provides a small-N qualitative content analysis of 30 Brazilian GIs, identifying their socio-environmental provisions, and debating whether GIs can become a mechanism for greater environmental protection in Brazil.

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The Earth’s orbital space is increasingly threatened by debris. It is frequently described as a common-pool resource vulnerable to a ‘tragedy of the commons’ scenario. Scholars have suggested ambitious policy proposals to tackle the tragedy of space debris and assure the sustainability of the Earth’s orbits. Their proposals can be classified into three categories: hierarchical regulations, economic incentives and property rights. All three categories require some form of central coordination. However, there might be an alternative approach to the problem and other potential solutions. Elinor Ostrom suggested that decentralized, polycentric systems are appropriate for governing common-pool resources. Anecdotal evidence suggests that a polycentric form of governance can encourage a more sustainable use of the Earth’s orbits.

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Global governance is a complex web of institutions. It consists of elementary regimes that form regime complexes, which in turn give rise to what we call superclusters around broad policy domains such as trade and environment. In recent years, scholars have explored what these macroscopic structures look like and how they evolve over time. Yet the complex ways in which entire governance superclusters interact and coevolve with one another through multiple interlinkages, and what might emerge through this process, have not received much attention. In this paper, we expand the ontological frontier of global governance research by offering a first bird’s-eye view on supercluster-level institutional interaction with an empirical focus on trade and environment. We constructed and analyzed a dynamic network-of-networks model consisting of 694 trade and 2,731 environmental agreements joined by 2,305 treaty citations. Our analysis reveals what we call a supercluster complex, which is a massive institutional structure in global governance consisting of two or more interlocking superclusters that exert a measurable influence on each other’s course of development. Based on our exploratory analysis, we argue that the supercluster complex serves as an institutional fabric that enables the degree of self-organized coordination observed between the trade and environment policy domains. Our preliminary findings warrant more research on supercluster complexes as an important but little-noticed phenomenon in global governance.

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The increasing uptake of environmental provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs) is well documented, but little is known about why countries prefer certain types of provisions over others. Exploiting a fine-grained dataset on environmental provisions in PTAs and hypothesizing that environmental provisions are more likely to be adopted when they aim at preserving countries’ regulatory sovereignty,  the likelihood of adoption is indeed higher for defensive provisions, but this likelihood decreases if there is a large variation in PTA members’ stringency of environmental regulations, and in particular, for PTAs with asymmetric power relationships. While countries first and foremost attempt to preserve their regulatory sovereignty when adopting environmental provisions, countries with stringent environmental regulations and strong bargaining power vis-à-vis their trading partners also try to level the playing field and pursue more offensive interests.

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Intellectual property rights (IPRs) have been a priority for the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). However, over the past two decades, the EU and US have failed to advance their preferred IPR standards through multilateral forums and have pursued bilateral alternatives instead. How have the EU and US pursued their strategies in this fragmented environment? Looking specifically at the Asia-Pacific, we compare their bilateral initiatives on IPR across three strategies: treaty-making, coercion and socialization. Through this analysis, we examine whether the EU and US’ bilateral actions indicate regulatory competition, coordination or replication. We find that the overall tendency has been towards replication, which raises questions about the reasons for this redundancy and its policy consequences. As the rise of bilateralism is not unique to IPR, our findings have implications for global governance more generally.

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When international organizations expand and proliferate, why do they fail to spread more evenly in their policy sphere? To answer this question, this article builds on organizational ecology theory, which was recently introduced into the study of international organizations. However, rather than studying each population separately, as previous studies have done, this article investigates how distinct populations with overlapping niches shape each other’s evolution. It argues that when inter-population competition occurs, the first population to occupy its niche at a high density limits the long-term development of other populations. This is the case even if emerging populations may temporarily enjoy a higher growth rate. The argument is illustrated by a study of the relations between four populations of technical assistance providers in the field of intellectual property. By doing so, the article brings for the first time inter-population relations in the study of international organizations and provides an explanation for the persistent concentration of international organizations in specific areas of the governance space.

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Environmental provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs) are increasing in terms of their number and variety. The economic effects of these environmental provisions remain largely unclear. It is, therefore, necessary to determine whether the trend to incorporate environmental provisions in PTAs counteracts the goal to spur economic development through trade via these PTAs. This is the first article in which the trade effects of environmental provisions in PTAs are thoroughly investigated. The spotlight is put on developing countries for which the assumed trade-off between economic development and environmental protection is particularly acute. This article uses a new fine-grained dataset on a broad range of environmental provisions in 680 PTAs, combined with a panel of worldwide bilateral trade flows from 1984 to 2016. We show that environmental provisions can help reduce dirty exports and increase green exports from developing countries. This effect is particularly pronounced in developing countries with stringent environmental regulations. By investigating how environmental provisions in PTAs affect trade flows, this article contributes to the literature on the following topics: international trade and the environment; design and impacts of trade agreements; and greening the economy in developing countries. It also shows that the design of trade agreements matters. Environmental provisions can be used as targeted policy tools to promote the green transformation and to leverage synergies between the economic and environmental effects of including environmental provisions in trade agreements.

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Initiated in 2002, the International Environmental Agreements Data Base (IEADB) currently contains information on over 3,000 multilateral and bilateral environmental agreements, including their full texts, membership actions, and design attributes. IEADB data allows us to produce a more detailed, comprehensive, and accurate description of the evolution of international environmental law than was previously possible, including the number, subjects, and memberships of IEAs that states have negotiated. The IEADB makes full texts of large numbers of IEAs available in ways that allow better typologies of how IEA designs vary and facilitates the coding of IEAs into those categories. We highlight the considerable scholarship that already has used the IEADB to contribute insights into international environmental governance and institutional design, including research on IEA membership, formation, and design as well as the structure of international environmental law generally. We briefly note the pedagogic value of the IEADB as a means to support both undergraduate and graduate teaching and research. We end by identifying broad research realms and specific research questions that are opened up by the particular structure and content of the IEADB, noting ways that scholars can use the IEADB to answer those questions of greatest interest to them.Initiated in 2002, the International Environmental Agreements Data Base (IEADB) currently contains information on over 3,000 multilateral and bilateral environmental agreements, including their full texts, membership actions, and design attributes. IEADB data allows us to produce a more detailed, comprehensive, and accurate description of the evolution of international environmental law than was previously possible, including the number, subjects, and memberships of IEAs that states have negotiated. The IEADB makes full texts of large numbers of IEAs available in ways that allow better typologies of how IEA designs vary and facilitates the coding of IEAs into those categories. We highlight the considerable scholarship that already has used the IEADB to contribute insights into international environmental governance and institutional design, including research on IEA membership, formation, and design as well as the structure of international environmental law generally. We briefly note the pedagogic value of the IEADB as a means to support both undergraduate and graduate teaching and research. We end by identifying broad research realms and specific research questions that are opened up by the particular structure and content of the IEADB, noting ways that scholars can use the IEADB to answer those questions of greatest interest to them.

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Few studies have examined transnational actors involved in global adaptation governance, despite their growing influence. This paper focuses on 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), a transnational municipal network (TMN) that has created governance instruments with potential for contributing to global adaptation governance. Despite their different nature from international actors (states and intergovernmental organizations), the distinct practices of TMNs and how they might influence global adaptation governance are uncertain. Vague claims suggest that TMNs are innovative, but what this innovation consists of remains unclear. Therefore, the research question here is: how do TMNs innovate in global adaptation governance? This paper strives to answer this question, by building an analytical framework to identify types and features of governance instruments, based on the literature on policy instruments, global environmental governance and global climate governance. It presents a case study of 100RC, based on an in-depth documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews. The results suggest that TMNs can be innovative, if they, like 100RC, create original governance instruments instead of using the existing tools of international or other transnational actors. While some of 100RC’s tools favour a more recent, soft and indirect approach, its considerable use of hard practices with significant obligation is particularly interesting considering the general characterization of TMNs as voluntary and soft. The governance practices of 100RC are thus not in stark contrast with those of international actors. Their diversity could provide inspiration for future action to improve the effectiveness of global climate adaptation governance, and the analytical framework developed here could be applied in further studies.

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In recent years, jurisdictions have struggled to address the emergence of ‘sharing’ businesses, such as Uber. These businesses have used technology to avoid the regulations that usually apply to industries such as taxis. By applying a historical institutionalist analysis, this article explains how authorities have responded to these companies. Through a detailed case study of Uber the article makes an empirical contribution by illustrating how regulatory regimes have responded to ‘disruptive’ technology. Furthermore, by applying an exogenously induced and endogenously mitigated model of change the article addresses the bifurcation in historical institutionalist literature between exogenous and endogenous accounts of change. This helps develop historical institutionalism theoretically, responds to criticisms of agent-based approaches and advances a model that can be applied to the study of technological change more generally.

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The internet industry has emerged as an important economic and political actor, both within the United States and internationally. Internet companies depend on exceptions from copyright law in order to operate. As a result, internet companies have considerable incentive to try and influence international copyright law. However, the current literature has neglected the role of the internet industry, instead focusing on the influence of copyright owning media companies. By doing so the literature has largely homogenized the concerns of business interests, neglecting the interests of business actors which do not favor stricter copyright protection. By examining business conflict over recent copyright initiatives by the United States, this article criticizes the literature. It illustrates that the internet industry has been able to alter the negotiating preferences of the United States against the wishes of copyright owners. This argues against the homogenization of business interests regarding copyright whilst illustrating the importance of material over discursive factors in determining political outcomes.

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While thousands of environment-related treaties have been concluded, it remains unclear whether they have been implemented. This paper investigates the relationship between the conclusion of treaties, namely international environmental agreements (IEAs) and preferential trade agreements (PTAs) that include environmental provisions, and the adoption of domestic environmental legislations. Thanks to datasets that are significantly more comprehensive and fine-grained than those previously used, we can focus on the direct link to environmental legislations rather than the less direct link to environmental outcomes. We are also able to study the relationship between international obligations on specific environmental issue areas and legislation in the same issue areas. As expected, we find a significant and positive relationship between both IEAs and PTAs with domestic legislation. Moreover, the link between treaties and domestic legislation is more pronounced in developing countries and, in these countries, more pronounced before rather than after entry into force. This relationship can be observed for many specific environmental issue areas, but not all of them. These findings contribute to the literature on environmental regime effectiveness and the domestic impact of treaties.

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An increasingly comprehensive set of environmental provisions is being integrated in preferential trade agreements (PTAs). Interestingly, while a number of these environmental provisions are included only rarely, others are duplicated in more than 100 PTAs. We still lack a convincing explanation for the conditions that fuel the uptake of specific provisions. This paper contributes to the growing literature on the design, interaction, and diffusion of international institutions and introduces two key innovations. First, our level of analysis is the provision level rather than the agreement level. Second, while the diffusion literature typically tries to explain how diffusion occurs, we investigate what makes diffusion more likely. We hypothesise that the initial conditions – relating both to agency and institutional factors – under which provisions first emerge determine the scope of their diffusion. Our results indicate that provisions originating from intercontinental agreements diffuse more often, and provisions first introduced by environmentally credible countries are more frequently duplicated than provisions introduced by economically powerful countries.

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The Group of Seven (G7) leaders met for their 44th annual summit in Charlevoix, Canada in June 2018. Although the G7 has outlived many institutions of global governance, perennial doubts are cast upon it, particularly regarding its legitimacy and achievements. The Think 7/Idées 7 is a group of 35 scholars from all over the world who met from 21 to 23 May, 2018 at Laval University, Quebec City to identify key themes to be addressed at the Charlevoix Summit, communicating its findings to the G7 leaders’ personal representatives. This Policy Insights paper builds on these discussions and looks ahead to the 2019 Biarritz Summit by making recommendations of how the G7 can play a leadership role. We argue that it should address new, unprecedented and highly disruptive issues that characterise our complex world, rather than well-understood international problems that fit into existing categories. We argue that the G7 can do this by playing to its strengths – informality and like-mindedness in particular – in addressing emerging and transversal issues such as Artificial Intelligence (AI) and cryptocurrencies.

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Environment and trade are increasingly linked through preferential trade agreements. Despite the encompassing nature of environmental provisions in trade agreements, studies on causes and consequences of the trade and environment linkage are scarce. A main cause hindering research in this area is the lack of data. By dint of this research note we introduce an original dataset on environmental provisions found in 630 trade agreements signed between 1947 and 2016 – that is the most comprehensive in terms of both variables coded and agreements covered. We illustrate the dataset’s usefulness by assessing the question of why countries include environmental provisions in trade agreements. Are trade negotiations opportunities to promote stringent environmental standards? Or are environmental provisions window-dressing covering protectionist interests? We find evidence that democracies, countries that face import competition, and countries that care about the environment are more likely to include environmental provisions in trade agreements. The database is of particular relevance for research on international institutional design, policy innovation, regime complexity, policy diffusion, and regime effectiveness.

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Rising economies face a crucial dilemma when establishing their position on international patent law. Should they translate their increasing economic strength into political power to further developing countries’ interests in lower levels of international patent protection? Or, anticipating a rising domestic interest in stronger international patent protection, should they adopt a position that favors maximal patent protection? Drawing on multiple case studies using a most similar system design, we argue that rising economies, after having been coerced into adopting more stringent patent standards, tend to display ambivalent positions, trapped in bureaucratic politics and caught between conflicting domestic constituencies. We find that the recent proliferation of international institutions and the expansion of transnational networks have contributed to fragmentation and polarization in domestic patent politics. As a result, today’s emerging economies experience a more tortuous transformative process than did yesterday’s. This finding is of particular relevance for scholars studying rising powers, as well as for those working on policy diffusion, regulatory regimes, transnational networks and regime complexes.

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The 2009 Lisbon Treaty transferred the competence over Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) policy from the national to the supranational level. This article analyses the impact of this transfer on the content of international investment agreements and, more broadly, the shape of the investment regime complex. Is the competence shift expected to have an independent impact or simply reproduce and continue existing trends? Exploring these two conjectures through a combination of text analysis, primary materials, and interviews, we are making a Historical Institutionalist argument focusing on the timing and sequencing of international investment negotiations. While the competence shift has allowed the EU to innovate in developing its own approach to negotiating international investment agreements, notably with the proposal to create an Investment Court System, the novelty may be only at the surface as the constraints of past, current, and future negotiations restrict the options available to EU actors- we call this the space-time continuum. The result of this learning-and-reacting process is a new European approach which simultaneously duplicates and innovates and could eventually favour greater centralization within the investment regime complex.

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While the trade regime is often analyzed under the metaphoric assumptions of Newtonian mechanics, we propose an alternative, more organic representation. We argue that the trade regime seems to evolve as a complex adaptive system, at the edge of order and chaos. Drawing from a dataset of 280 different types of environmental provisions found in 680 trade agreements, we show how both the trade regime and the norms contained therein unfold by remaining stable (but not static) and dynamic (but not chaotic). Trade negotiators simultaneously explore new grounds by introducing legal innovations and exploiting known territories by adopting existing norms. Our analysis suggests that, even as the regime grows in the number and length of agreements, there are exploratory and exploitative processes at work. These twin processes can explain that the trade regime appears neither more fragmented/heterogeneous nor more centralized/homogenous than it was fifty years ago, despite its substantial expansion. This hypothesis is at the core of the research agenda that this paper lays out.

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Cette recension croisée porte sur trois ouvrages publiés en 2015 sur la question des villes et de l'action climatique. Il met en avant le nouveau rôle des villes, tant au niveau local que transnational ou mondial, dans la lutte aux changements climatiques et évoque les perspectives pour le droit transnational de l'environnement.

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Le droit international des investissements a connu une évolution exponentielle au cours des deux dernières décennies. Avec plus de 3 000 accords et une vaste jurisprudence, certains qualifient ce système de chaotique et instable. Les divergences entre traités bilatéraux d’investissement et les décisions contraires de tribunaux arbitraux donnent certes cette impression. Le présent article sur le développement du modèle de négociation de la Commission européenne, après l’entrée en vigueur du Traité de Lisbonne, démontre néanmoins que tout en étant un système décentralisé et flexible, le régime des investissements est en réalité dynamiquement stable et favorise une répétition des normes préexistantes. Le chapitre sur l’investissement du récent accord économique et commercial global (AECG) illustre en effet que tout en ayant eu l’occasion d’innover, la Commission européenne s’est largement inspirée du complexe institutionnel en place incluant notamment, mais pas uniquement, le modèle d’accord des États-Unis.

Mots clés : Droit international des investissements, Union européenne, Institutions, Évolution juridique, systèmes complexes

Foreign investment law (FIL) went through a tremendous evolution in the past two decades. With more than 3 000 agreements and a large corpus of case-law, some would qualify it as a chaotic and unstable system. Divergences between agreements and past arbitral decisions undoubtedly strengthen this perception. Nonetheless, this article on the development of the new European model for negotiating investment agreements following the Lisbon Treaty outlines that FIL is dynamically stable over time. In other words, while being flexible and opened for incremental changes, the investment regime also fosters a repetition of pre-existing norms. In fact, the recent text of the investment chapter of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) shows that even though the European Commission had the opportunity to innovate, the existing institutional complex surrounding FIL including, but not solely the American treaty model, largely inspired it.

Keywords : Foreign investment law, European Union, Institutions, Legal evolution, Complex system

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Why do some countries adopt exogenous rules into their domestic law when those lawsdo not align with the country’s specific interests? This article draws on the policydiffusion literature to identify four causal mechanisms that are hypothesized to give riseto those transplants in the case of asymmetric interests. While the literature presents thesemechanisms independently, this article argues that each works in combination with theothers to facilitate legal transplantation. The empirical demonstration is based on aquantitative analysis of legal transplants in the field of intellectual property (IP), andincorporates an original index of IP protection in 121 developing countries over 14 years. Our results suggest that, while one mechanism – coercion – is instrumental in initiatingthe transplantation process, it fades over time and is largely supplanted by three others:contractualization, socialization and regulatory competition acting in a mutuallysupportive manner. This article concludes with a plea for theoretical eclecticism,acknowledging multi-causality and context-conditionality. Any comprehensiveexplanation of legal transplantation must include the identification of mutualreinforcement between causal mechanisms, rather than simply ranking their relative contributions.

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The global intellectual property (IP) regime is in the midst of a paradigm shift in favor of greater access to protected work. Current explanations of this paradigm shift emphasize the agency of transnational advocacy networks, but ignore the role of academics. Scholars interested by global IP politics have failed to engage in reflexive thinking. Building on the results from a survey of 1,679 IP experts, this article argues that a community of academics successfully broke the policy monopoly of practitioners over IP expertise. They instilled some skepticism concerning the social and economic impacts of IP among their students as well as in the broader community of IP experts. They also provided expert knowledge that was widely amplified by NGOs and some intergovernmental organizations, acting as echo chambers to reach national decision makers. By making these claims, this article illustrates how epistemic communities actively collaborate with other transnational networks rather than competing with them, and how they can promote a paradigm change by generating rather than reducing uncertainty.

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This study argues that ‘regime complexes’ and ‘policy coherence’ are two faces of thesame integrative process. The development of regime complexes co-evolves with the pressureson decision makers to coordinate their policies in various issue-areas. Conceptually, we intro-duce a typology of policy coherency (erratic, strategic, functionalistic, and systemic) accordingto its procedural and substantive components. Empirically, by triangulating quantitative andqualitative data, we use this typology for the case of the genetic resources’ regime complex toillustrate the links between regime complexes and policy coherency. Our results suggest that acoherent policymaking process favours integrated regime complexes, while greater exposure toa regime complex increases the pressure to have a coherent policymaking. This study fills a gapin the literature on regime complexes by providing a micro-macro model linking structure toagency.

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The study of GEG can contribute toward debunking a persistent – but rarely explicit – myth, sometimes called the “linear model”  or the “rational instrumental approach”. According to this myth, expert knowledge – that encompasses but is not limited to scientific knowledge – should precede politics. As such, GEG has significant theoretical and policy contributions to offer to other subfields of IR, such as international political economy. Constructivist scholarship so rarely claims policy-relevance that it would be unfortunate not to pay attention.

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This paper offers a conceptual analysis of the negotiation of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the European Union. It argues that traditional accounts of the structure of trade negotiations must be tailored for their novel nature, especially their wider scope on various regulatory issues and the relative economic weight symmetry of trading partners. To build our argument, we revisit traditional structural factors such as economic interdependence, non-agreement alternatives (NAA), institutional constraints, outcome valuations, and domestic support. We conclude that current and future bilateral trade negotiations will likely last longer, deadlocks will likely become more frequent, and that variations in scope will likely increase.

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Understanding the impact of regime complexes on global governance calls for creative policy thinking. This introduction provides a new and more precise definition of the concept of regime complex. It also suggests specific tools to characterize regime complexes and analyze their impacts on global governance. The articles in this issue deepen the analytical understanding of complexes by examining concrete examples in various domains of global governance such as piracy, taxation, energy, food security, emissions reduction, carbon sinks, biosafety, and refugee governance. In addition to providing an in-depth description of a variety of different regime complexes, this issue is innovative on three accounts: (1) it presents complexes as both barriers and opportunities for global governance and gives explanations for these diverse outcomes; (2) it shows how a broad spectrum of actors is necessary for understanding the creation and evolution of complexes; and (3) it qualifies former claims to the effect that only powerful actors can impact regime complexes. Keywords: regime complexes,networks, institutional centralization, institutional fragmentation, institutional density.

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Why and how do issues expire? This paper applies the concept of path dependency to issuelife cycle and argues that the manner in which an issue dies is closely associated with how it comes to life. This paper argues that, on the access to medicines issue, the first actors (1) to have called attention to a legal problem, (2) to have capitalised on the HIV/AIDs crisis, and (3) to have used the example of Africa, were also the first to have felt constrained by their own frame in their attempt to (1) look for economical rather than legal solutions, (2) expand the list of medicines covered beyond anti-AIDs drugs, and (3) allow large emerging economies to benefit from a scheme designed by countries without manufacturing capacities. In order to escape an issue in which they felt entrapped, issue entrepreneurs worked strategically to close the debate in order to better reframe it in other forums.

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While the WTO secretariat, key delegations, several NGOs, and industry publicly present the 30 August 2003 WTO Decision as an attempt to reconcile intellectual property with access to medicines, our research shows otherwise. We draw on qualitative analyses of 54 interviews and a lexicometric analysis of press releases to show that their enthusiastic public statements contrast deeply with their internal, cynical beliefs. Most of these actors not only consider the WTO Decision to be fundamentally flawed but claim to have known this prior to its adoption. We argue that a procedural norm of consensus-seeking impeded traditional bargaining over this sensitive issue and that distrust among participants hindered truthseeking deliberation. Caught between strategic and communicative actions, state and non state actors found themselves trapped in their own rhetoric of reconciling intellectual property with access to medicines. They realized that the appearance of a solution, rather than a functional solution, provided the only realistic outcome to a fruitless and publicly damaging continuation of debate. From a theoretical perspective, this case study sheds a new light on the gray zone between rational choice theory and constructivism, where both discourse and strategies matter. From an empirical perspective, it illustrates the risk of seeking consensus within international regimes when the procedural norm of consensus coexists with a high level of distrust.

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This paper examines the current wave of US bilateral agreements with respect to their strategic and political value at the plurilateral level. The US government has explicitly recognized its objective of leveraging bilateral agreements in order to influence regional and multilateral negotiations. Although it may be too early to assess the full effectiveness of this US strategy, the paper argues that there are clear signs that the exploitation of bilateral agreements will not independently achieve the goal of strengthening plurilateral patent norms. This finding is supported by an assessment of six potential roads from bilateralism to plurilateralism: chain reaction, pressure for inclusion, coalition building, emulation, legal interpretation, and adherence. The assertion that bilateral trade deals have a great impact on international patent lawmaking, made both by proponents and critics of TRIPs-Plus agreements, is unsubstantiated. The author concludes that the US Government Accountability Office and Congress are justified in questioning whether the negotiation of these bilateral agreements, at least in the realm of IP law, is a wise investment of US Trade Representative’s resources.

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Most efforts to negotiate a multilateral agreement on the liberalization and protection of investment have failed despite the fact that there are more than 2,400 bilateral investment treaties in existence. We have coined this phenomenon the “lateralism paradox.” Within this article, we consider five hypotheses that focus respectively on power asymmetries, incentives for defection, strategic linkages, domestic constraints, and ongoing adaptation. We found that the first four explanations are not supported by empirical evidence from the post-NAFTA period. We conclude that bilateralism appears to be the only feasible approach for negotiating investment rules, as well as the most sensible process to ensure continuous and dynamic adaptation.

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Twelve years after the inception of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the US policy on the protection of foreign investment is evolving. This article compares the provisions on investment in the recent US free trade agreements (FTAs) and the 2004 model bilateral investment treaty (BIT) with NAFTA’s. While most of the provisions are similar, some differences can be identified, both in substantive and procedural forms. We explain this evolution by a learning process of the US administration from the NAFTA experience. We argue that the new features of the FTAs and of the revised model BIT result from the US interest in reaching a better balance between the protection of investment and the protection of state sovereignty. This American concern stems from a reaction to the claims filed by foreign investors under NAFTA Chapter 11, at least some of which were perceived as ‘frivolous’ by the US government. However, the recent US FTAs and model BIT do not reveal a thorough policy reorientation but rather adjustments to the policy at the basis of NAFTA’s investment chapter.

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Le droit international de la propriété intellectuelle impose de plus en plus la brevetabilité du matériel génétique. Plusieurs organisations non gouvernemen-tales et pays en développement s’opposent à cette extension du droit des brevetsen réclamant de nouveaux droits de propriété sur les ressources génétiques etles connaissances traditionnelles. La dernière version du projet de Zone de li- bre-échange des Amériques reflète cette polarisation et contient, à côté des dis-positions sur la brevetabilité des végétaux, des propositions sur la protection dela diversité biologique. Cette opposition démontre que les pays latino-américains ont appris à jouer un rôle proactif dans le régime international des brevets et tentent d’orienter les débats vers leurs préoccupations.

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The political science literature often assumes that policymakers rationally design governance systems according to the underlying problem structures they aim to address. This chapter argues that the problem structures of pandemics and environmental crises are similar on several accounts. Yet their governance systems differ in significant ways. The chapter explains this incongruity by pointing to systemic perceptions biases and structural power differentials. Addressing these biases and establishing new linkages could improve the global governance of both issue areas

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Who regulates the global economy? This fundamental question has been puzzling many authors for quite some time now. As national and international markets get more integrated than ever, regulators all around the world are under increasing pressure to harmonize their regulations. The choice of the regulations around which they will is however not without consequences as it can have important distributive effects. The literature thus far has in the main analyzed this question by looking at the role of public actors. While recent work on the “Brussels’ effect” have highlighted that private actors can play a role in the export of European rules, the main explanatory variables of this approach remain attributes of the European Union (i.e. market size and regulatory capacity). As such, it does not really explain when and why private actors actually decide to actively promote rules created in a foreign jurisdiction. In this chapter, I argue that adopting a network approach can help fill this gap by giving more attention to the interactions between private actors. Looking at the case of data protection, I more precisely maintain that private regulatory networks involving both European and non-European private associations helped the EU export its rules across the Atlantic. While supportive of a functionalist extension explanation of how rules travel, I show that the EU also acted as a ‘classical foreign policy’ actor when it used its legal authority to shape the structure of the private regulatory network here at play.

The international community has acknowledged that international trade can be an effective means of helping to achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Traditionally, preferential trade agreements (PTAs)  ere designed to promote trade flows. PTAs have become more comprehensive and now also cover non-economic policy areas, such as the environment. This chapter examines whether the inclusion of environmental provisions in PTAs changes the observed overall positive contribution that PTAs make to economic outcomes and thereby to the economic objectives of the SDGs. Specifically, we ask whether the inclusion of environmental provisions in PTAs reduces export flows between PTA partner countries. Using a novel data set on environmental provisions in PTAs, we estimate gravity type panel regressions. We find that membership in PTAs including more environmental provisions is associated with less trade among trade partners compared to PTAs that include less or no environmental provisions. This negative effect of environmental provisions is fully driven by the negative effect on South-North trade flows, i.e. exports from developing to high-income countries.

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Comparativists have long demonstrated that corporations are ‘produced’ through a process of national institutional embedding. However, the globalisation of markets is said to be creating global corporations that no longer have allegiance to their home states. They become as global in their outlook as their interests, and take on an increasingly autonomous existence that is both institutionally as well as physically disembedded from their home states.  In fact, they are seen as proactively attacking national institutional variations.  A key reason for this is that most major industry sectors are oligopolistic. Therefore, global corporations have come to control, rather than compete in, global as well as national markets. Freed from the both the ‘shackles’ of market competition and their home states’ institutions, the result produced is said to be a convergence on neoliberal policies, and a ‘race to the bottom’ as states compete to bid down social and environmental protections to serve the interests of highly mobile capital. The impacts are said to be felt universally, though most acutely in the case of institutionally weaker developing states.

Are the interests of global corporations as homogeneous as often claimed, and is the result the neoliberalization of developing states’ political economies? To consider these questions we look at the case of investment in South Africa by Ford and Volkswagen, two of the world’s major automotive corporations. Using insights from the comparative capitalism literature, an analysis of South Africa’s political economy, and a content analysis of these corporations’ reporting, we demonstrate that rather than abandoning the management-labor relations of their home states, these corporations have instead sought to retain them. In fact, they have attempted to reproduce their home states’ institutions in their South African operations. From a corporate perspective, their manufacturing operations in South Africa thus represent a case of proactive rather than passive institutional path dependence. From a South African perspective, the management-labor relations they have sought to establish reflect a process of attempted neo-colonisation, and resistance to it, as much as globalisation. The result is that as global corporations become physically disembedded from their home states when they invest and operate abroad, it does not necessarily follow that they become institutionally disembedded as well. Nor does it follow that the states in which they invest ‘surrender’ their institutional differences. As such, foreign investment is a medium for institutional competition between states, rather than annihilation. 

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Ce chapitre porte sur les liens entre l’analyse de la politique étrangère (APÉ) et les théories des relations internationales (RI). À travers une synthèse historique des moments forts qui ont animé ces champs d’études, ce chapitre fait la démonstration que si l’APÉ et les RI ont évolué en vase clos pendant quelques décennies, elles se sont considérablement rapprochées au cours des dernières années pour devenir des vases communiquants. Alors que la frontière entre ce qui est interne et externe à l’État est remise en question, il en va de même pour celle qui sépare l’APÉ des RI. Même si ces champs d’études ont longtemps entretenu une relation complexe due à l’absence de consensus sur leur démarcation, les échanges entre eux sont maintenant plus fructueux que jamais. C’est en combinant les théories de l’APÉ et celles des RI dans un bricolage théorique original que les chercheurs contemporains peuvent s’attaquer de la façon la plus fructueuse possible aux questions de notre époque.

La doctrine énoncée par Paul Gérin-Lajoie en avril 1965 n’a pas vocation à s’étendre au commerce international ni à la protection des investissements. En effet, la seule lecture de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 suffit pour convaincre qu’il est difficile de prétendre que ces deux domaines d’activité relèvent des compétences internes ou externes des provinces canadiennes. Pourtant, force est de constater que l’expansion qu’a connue l’activité internationale du Québec ces cinquante dernières années, conjuguée à l’élargissement des thèmes couverts par les accords d’intégration économique, a amené le Québec à jouer un rôle significatif dans les arènes économiques et commerciales internationales. Par le pouvoir de mise en œuvre du contenu des accords internationaux qui découle des compétences législatives qui lui appartiennent, le Québec a pu être impliqué à divers titres dans la négociation d’importants accords de partenariat économique tel que l’Accord économique et commercial global (AECG) signé entre le Canada et l’Union européenne. Le Québec fut aussi associé de près au règlement d’importants différends commerciaux auxquels le Canada était partie devant l’Organe de règlement des différends de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce ou devant des instances créées par l’ALENA. De la même façon, il fut consulté au premier chef dans le règlement de plaintes portées par des investisseurs étrangers dans le cadre d’arbitrages investisseur-État. L’activité internationale du Québec en matières économique et commerciale s’est aussi manifestée par la signature d’ententes intergouvernementales en matière de marchés publics ou pour la création d’un marché nord-américain du carbone. Le Québec a pu, au fil du temps, développer puis augmenter son influence sur l’élaboration et l’application des accords de commerce. Il est à souhaiter que les négociations du Partenariat transpacifique, pendant lesquelles les provinces canadiennes ont été largement reléguées aux coulisses, ne sont pas annonciatrices d’un recul à cet égard.

The doctrine Paul Gérin-Lajoie launched in April 1965 is not intended to extend to international trade nor to the protection of investments. Indeed, the reading of the 1867 Constitutional Act convinces its readers that it is difficult to claim that these two fields fall under the internal or external jurisdiction of the Canadian provinces. However, it must be recognized that the expansion of Quebec’s international activity during the past 50 years, combined with the broadening of the themes covered by economic integration agreements, have brought Quebec to play a significant role within the international economic and commercial arenas. Through its implementation powers for the contents of international agreements, derived from the legislative jurisdiction it holds, Quebec has been involved in numerous manners in the negotiation of important economic partnership agreements, such as theComprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) signed between Canada and the European Union. Quebec was also closely involved in the resolution of important commercial disputes to which Canada was a party before the Dispute Settlement Body of the World Trade Organization or before bodies created under NAFTA. Similarly, the province was consulted for the resolution of complaints brought by foreign investors in the framework of investor-state arbitrations. Quebec’s international activity in economic and commercial matters has also manifested itself through the signature of intergovernmental agreements on public markets or the creation of a North American carbon market. Quebec has progressively developed and increased its influence on the elaboration and implementation of commercial agreements. Hopefully, the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations, during which Canadian provinces were largely relegated to the sidelines, do not herald a setback in this respect.

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Two states can have several bilateral agreements between them, some legally binding and others not. Is there a discernible pattern to how states structure the chronological sequence of binding and non-binding agreements governing a specific issue area? For example, do states prioritize a binding treaty to establish the foundation of their cooperation and later iron out details in non-binding instruments? Or do they first experiment with a low-commitment memorandum of understanding before eventually settling on a more permanent treaty? This paper explores these questions using the example of space governance, which is characterized by a high number of bilateral agreements. Examining space agreements between 287 state dyads, it finds evidence that a combination of power asymmetry and trust levels shapes the sequence of binding and non-binding agreements. These findings are of particular relevance to the literature on informal governance, regime complexes and space politics.

In 2019, Nautilus Mineral hoped to become world’s first company to mine the deep seabed in the waters off Papua New Guinea. A few months later, the company filed for bankruptcy after the government of Papua New Guinea decided on a moratorium on deep-sea mining, mainly out of environmental concerns. Yet, the government did not entirely close the door to future mining activities: the idea behind the moratorium was to ask for more guarantees regarding sustainability. In the last few years, several studies have indeed raised concerns over the consequences of deep-sea mining on marine biodiversity and the environment in general - and how complex it may be to anticipate them. As any unprecedented human activity, deep-sea mining comes with a set of new challenges that need to be considered and anticipated, especially now as sovereign states are negotiating to establish rules guiding deep-sea mining in international waters. These rules are likely to have repercussions for Arctic resources present in the Central Arctic Ocean, including in continental shelves. The international negotiations are pitting different perspectives on sustainable development and sustainability against one another.

This communication analyses if the discourses around sustainability at these negotiations mark a break with previous sustainability discourses. Then, we focus on Arctic states to inquire if they share similar narratives and conceptions of sustainability in these negotiations. These positions will be tied in with the positions of non-Arctic states to better understand how Arctic conceptions of deep-sea mining may fit with global developments.

Two states can have several bilateral agreements between them, some legally binding and others not. Is there a discernible pattern to how states structure the chronological sequence of binding and non-binding agreements governing a specific issue area? For example, do states prioritize a binding treaty to establish the foundation of their cooperation and later iron out details in non-binding instruments? Or do they first experiment with a low-commitment memorandum of understanding before eventually settling on a more permanent treaty? This paper explores these questions using the example of space governance, which is characterized by a high number of bilateral agreements. Examining space agreements between 287 state dyads, it finds evidence that a combination of power asymmetry and trust levels shapes the sequence of binding and non-binding agreements. These findings are of particular relevance to the literature on informal governance, regime complexes and space politics.

Rules about assigning continental shelves to coastal states are detailed in the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The process is one rooted in science diplomacy where science can at times support diplomatic processes while at others diplomatic activities can facilitate scientific collaboration: both roles can be observed when it comes to continental shelves. While coastal states can submit scientific evidence to the United Nations Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) and in turn the CLCS issues recommendations, coastal states can also share their geological evidence and negotiate together if they have competing claims. Some states have already employed this latter possibility to resolve disputes: the agreement signed between Canada and Denmark in 2022 is a good example of such avenue. This communication will focus on these cases to understand the commonalities that these successful cases share. Then, we will explore if such possibility can be used to resolve competing claims on the continental shelf present in the Central Arctic Ocean.

How do states’ positions across multiple and interconnected economic networks affect their power? Globalization was not the great equalizer that some either hoped or argued it would be. Instead of becoming flat, the world is in many ways more asymmetrical than ever. As highlighted by the recent literature on weaponized interdependence (WI), many economic activities have indeed become concentrated in a few geographical hubs, creating bottlenecks and chokepoints that some states can use for coercive purposes. To understand how states gain, wield, and maintain power, WI argues we need to consider the topology of global economic networks, along with domestic institutional capacity. Yet, most research in this emerging literature has examined case studies of examples where WI has been used, with support from qualitative data to establish asymmetry. The effect of the topology of global networks on states’ capacity to weaponize economic hubs remains open to debate. In this paper, we start answering this question by looking at how centralities across multiple networks shape state power. We use network methodology to map the semiconductor supply chain and showcase that more than representing one network, it represents multiple interconnected networks. We then highlight how states’ centrality vary across these networks and how it shapes their respective capacities to coerce others. In so doing the paper makes three contributions. First it demonstrates how network analysis can detect potential (ab)uses of WI, enabling analysist to identify both opportunities and vulnerabilities. Second the paper highlights how ‘layers’ of multiple networks interacting with each other help to determine the ability of states to use WI and how centrality in some networks can provide greater influence than others. Last it contributes to other literature which recently used network analysis to analyse structural power on the global stage.

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In this essay, I advocate for the use of an integrated approach to study networks as both structures and actors. The study of networks has gained a lot of interest in global environmental governance studies and related fields. Witnessing transnational processes that might influence world politics, scholars have looked at a variety of phenomena, among which epistemic communities, transnational advocacy networks or public-private partnerships (Bouteligier 2013, Andonova et al. 2009, Keck and Sikkink 1998, Haas 1992, 1990). Recently, they have also applied the network lens to global environmental governance. However, there is still room for investigation. Indeed, scholars of global environmental governance have often thought of networks as structures (e.g. Bansard et al. 2016, Giest and Howlett 2013) or as actors (Hakelberg 2014, Andonova et al. 2009). Few studies have analysed them as both. How can an integrated perspective of networks as structures and actors improve our understanding of the influence of networks in earth system governance?

To answer this question, the example of Transnational Municipal Networks (TMNs) engaged in climate action proves interesting. As structures, TMNs influence the behaviour of their city members, guiding them toward climate action and resilience. Some cities find themselves in better positions than others in the network and become more powerful. As actors, TMNs develop strategies to gain weight in the system of global climate governance. I elaborate on the case of 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), a TMN founded in 2013 by The Rockefeller Foundation to work on urban resilience. In five years, 100RC has managed to become a prominent actor of the system. Inside its network of cities, it has oriented the behaviour of its members towards the design and implementation of resilience projects and the use of specific governance tools. Outside of it, it has partnered with major TMNs and non-TMN actors and become part of global initiatives dealing with climate action. To understand its rise, we must consider both the capacity of 100RC to connect to specific external actors and its internal structure of cities.

This essay thus joins the social sciences agent-structure debate by focusing on the integrated perspective of networks. Furthermore, it seeks to bring new insights on TMNs, a rather recent phenomenon whose influence we are still trying to measure. Finally, as it focuses on one entity of global climate governance, it hopes to offer an innovative contribution to questions dealing with agency and architectures of earth system governance.

Despite the global call for action, international actors have seemed unable to provide effective solutions to the ‘wicked problem’ of climate change. Overall, the global climate
governance system initiated at the end of the 1980s has hardly evolved and is often described as locked. Recently, however, distinct actors have started to offer new answers to the governing of climate. Among them, Transnational Municipal Networks (TMNs) claim that ‘while nations talk, cities act’ and promote the role of local actors at the global level. Although their direct effect on mitigation has been questioned, I argue that TMNs may have an indirect effect on the system through the creation of governance tools of new generation. This paper thus tackles the general question of how a system may change.
In that sense, I use a theoretical framework based on complexity approaches and network theory that gives an understanding of the emergence and diffusion of innovation. I
then conduct a case study of 100 Resilient Cities, a recent TMN that has rapidly become a central actor within the network of TMNs. Finally, I present some prospects of the emergence of these actors that lack legal authority and financial resources in global climate governance.

Over the last decades, the interest in networks in International Relations has dramatically increased. Witnessing a variety of transnational processes in world politics, scholars have studied epistemic communities, transnational advocacy networks or intergovernmental policy networks, among others. Recently, they have also applied the network lens to global climate governance, looking at different entities as structures or as actors. However, few studies have analysed them as both. This paper argues that networks can be seen simultaneously as constraining structures and purposeful and influential agents. In that sense, the case of Transnational Municipal Networks (TMNs) engaged in climate action proves interesting. As structures, TMNs successfully connect cities together and with other actors in complex arrangements where power logics are at play. As actors, they also develop strategies to reach and influence distinct international and transnational actors. The example of 100 Resilient Cities shows these processes result from well-thought strategies aimed at influencing global climate governance. It also underlines how the network as a whole affects its members which in turn shape it through their decisions and actions. Entering the agent-structure debate in an innovative way, this paper overall seeks to engage in a fruitful reflection on networks in IR.

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Lors de cette table ronde intitulée "COP23: Regards Croisés sur les négociations climatiques2 organisée par l'Institut Hydro-Québec en Environnement, Développement et Société, j'ai évoqué le rôle des villes dans la gouvernance climatique mondiale. Plus spécifiquement, j'ai évoqué la présence et les objectifs des réseaux municipaux transnationaux aux Conférences des Parties organisées par la Convention-Cadre des Nations Unies sur les Changements Climatiques. J'ai aussi mis en avant le rôle des autres acteurs non-étatiques lors de ces négociations et le déroulement de ces dernières dans ses espaces officiels et non-officiels. 

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While the expanding network of preferential trade agreements has already been well documented, we still lack a convincing explanation for the driving forces fueling the diffusion of specific provisions. This paper contributes to the growing literature on the design and diffusion of international treaties but introduces two key innovations: Firstly, our level of analysis is the provision-level rather than the agreement- or dyad-level. Secondly, we are not just investigating how provisions diffuse but also what provisions are more likely to diffuse than others. Conducting empirical analysis of count data, we obtain robust results indicating that provisions introduced by intercontinental agreements diffuse more often. Provisions introduced by environmentally credible countries seem to be more successful than provisions introduced by economically powerful countries. We also find evidence that provisions that safeguard countries’ policy space diffuse more successfully than others. Our findings contribute to the diffusion literature by substantiating the view that learning plays a key role as mechanism for the diffusion of environmental provisions in preferential trade agreements.

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Paper presented at the Stockholm Conference on Organizing Markets, SCORE, Stockholm School of Economics. 

This paper reviews the literature on the political economy of regulation, and argues that increased attention to the roles of professions and time can bring greater analytical strength to the study of innovation. In particular, this paper is interested in the impact of disruptive innovations on regulatory capacity and process. This reverses the causal arrow generally assumed in the literature that deals with how regulation can support or foster innovation. The first part of the article reviews the literature on regulation, identifies some of its assumptions and clarifies how it deals with the concept of innovation. The second part of the article explains what is meant by disruptive innovations and how the current literature is ill equipped to investigate their regulatory impact. The third and final part of the article proposes a theoretical framework that is suited to redress some of the shortcomings identified by drawing on the ideas of linked ecologies and time horizons.

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• No fewer than 107 preferential trade agreements (PTAs) include provisions on copyright protection.
• Some PTAs refer to multilateral copyright agreements or replicate their requirements, but an increasing share of them also provide obligations that go beyond multilateral requirements.
• The most active proponents of copyright provisions in PTAs are the United States, the European Union and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA).
• There is a strong correlation between the propensity to include copyright provisions in PTAs and a country’s interest in copyright protection.

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Bilateral and regional trade deals frequently include patent provisions that go beyond the minimum requirement of the multilateral Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). They extend the scope of patentability and provide additional rights to patent holders. This paper systematically maps these “TRIPs-plus” agreements. Exploiting a new dataset, 52 TRIPs-plus agreements are found to have been concluded between 1990 and 2017. The major proponents of these TRIPs-plus agreements on patents are the United States, followed by the European Union and the European Free Trade Association. Other technology-rich countries, such as Japan and Korea, have surprisingly few TRIPs-plus provisions on patent protection in their trade agreements. Few South-South trade agreements include TRIPs-plus provisions, but some include TRIPs-extra provisions on genetic resources and traditional knowledge. Having a clear picture of these TRIPs-plus agreements is essential as they can have important social and economic consequences, including for the development of innovations and access to technologies.

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This briefing paper discusses how provisions on environmental cooperation in trade agreements can contribute to better environmental outcomes. It is frequently assumed that the more enforceable environmental commitments are, the more likely governments are to take action to protect the environment. This assumption leads several experts to argue in favour of strong sanction-based mechanisms of dispute settlement in order to ensure the implementation of trade agreements’ environmental provisions. Nevertheless, there is evidence to suggest that softer provisions can result in increased environmental cooperation, which can in turn favour domestic environmental protection. To shed light on this debate, this paper examines the design and the implementation of cooperative environmental provisions of trade agreements. 

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Trade agreements contain an increasing number of environmental provisions. Some of these provisions now relate to precise environmental issues, such as biodiversity or hazardous waste management. Certain trade agreements even devote entire chapters to environmental protection. However, the rate of innovative environmental clauses per agreement has declined over the years. This paper draws attention to some of the lesser-known provisions encountered in five agreements or fewer. These “legal one-hit wonders” do not often reach the billboard, despite their uniqueness and creativity. The objective of this paper is to put the spotlight on them in the hope of contributing to the diffusion of best practices, providing negotiators with ideas to emulate in future trade agreements. It also reveals some of the weak spots in the interplay between trade and environment.

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A growing number of trade agreements include provisions related to access to genetic resources and the sharing of the benefits that arise out of their utilization. This paper  maps the distribution and the diversity of these provisions. It identifies a great variety of provisions regarding sovereignty over genetic resources, the protection of traditional knowledge, prior informed consent, the disclosure of origin in patent applications and conditions for bioprospecting activities. It also finds that some recent trade agreements provide specific measures designed to facilitate the implementation of access and benefit-sharing (ABS) provisions, including measures related to technical assistance, transparency and dispute settlements. Thus, it appears that trade negotiations can become vectors for the implementation of ABS obligations stemming from the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising from their Utilization. The integration of ABS commitments into trade agreements, however, varies greatly, depending on the countries involved. While Latin American countries have played a pioneering role, Canada and the United States still lag behind. The most exemplary ABS standards are not yet widely used, perhaps because they remain little known. These provisions deserve greater attention and should be integrated more widely into international trade agreements. 

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L’analyse détaillée de 660 accords commerciaux conclus depuis 19471 permet de relever des dispositions particulièrement novatrices sur une série d’enjeux environnementaux. La question plus spécifique des changements climatiques, en revanche, apparaît encore sous-développée. Cet Issue Brief présente la portée et les limites de l’action européenne sur le climat dans les négociations commerciales.

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This paper examines an overlooked yet critical dimension of global IP governance: where do IP ideas and beliefs originate and how are they transmitted? This is the first empirical study that seeks to answer these questions presenting the findings of a survey completed by more than 1600 IP professionals, and drawing some policyrelevant implications. In this regard, the study shows that IP debates, often pictured as opposing those holding anti-IP views in the South to those supporting pro-IP maximalist views in the North, are in reality more complex and nuanced. IP professionals appear loosely organized in transnational networks where professional affiliation is more important in shaping views on IP than country of birth. The study also emphasizes the important role of higher education and capacity building in the transmission of IP ideas and beliefs. It finds that university education in a developed country is more likely to result in stronger support for a more balanced approach to IP protection and it suggests that capacity building programs might be more effective if they are supported by empirical evidence.

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Cette recherche étudie l’allocation des prêts de la Banque mondiale à l’aide de données de panel couvrant 115 États au maximum et trois périodes : guerre froide (1973-1990), post-guerre froide (1991-2000) et post-11 septembre (2001-2013). Parmi nos découvertes, nous trouvons que plus un État reçoit un montant élevé de prêts, plus il se rapproche de la politique étrangère des États-Unis. Cependant, peu importe la période, les récipiendaires des prêts de la Banque mondiale sont en moyenne plus près de la politique étrangère de la Russie que de la politique étrangère des États-Unis. Nous soutenons que ces résultats impliquent que les prêts de la Banque sont utilisés pour acheter et récompenser des appuis ou des abstentions aux Nations unies pour quelques résolutions seulement et non pas pour l’ensemble des résolutions votées au cours d’une session.

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Dans cet article, je présente le rôle que peuvent avoir les villes, au travers des réseaux transnationaux de villes en puissance, dans la gouvernance climatique mondiale. J'affirme que, si ces réseaux de villes peuvent apporter au système complexe de gouvernance climatique, ils ne peuvent avoir un impact réel sans l'aide conjointe des Etats.

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Alors que les pays importateurs de technologie auraient intérêt à n’offrir qu’une protection minimale aux brevets et droits d’auteur étrangers, certains reproduisent dans leur droit national les normes les plus élevées des économies les plus avancées. Comment expliquer ce phénomène qui va à l’encontre des prédictions économiques classiques? Cet article passe en revue cinq processus politiques : l’émulation, la compétition, la coercition, la contractualisation et la socialisation. Après avoir comparé leur pouvoir explicatif respectif, il conclut que c’est dans leur interaction particulière que se trouve une clé essentielle d’explication.

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Strengthening intellectual property rights in the Asia Pacific is a priority for both the European Union and the United States. This is for good reason: They together received more than 70 percent of all international revenue for the use of intellectual property worldwide, according to World Bank data. Jean-Frédéric Morin of Université Laval in Québec, Canada, and Madison Cartwright at the University of Sydney in Australia examine the relationship between EU and US regulatory initiatives on Asia-Pacific IPR – and their apparent unnecessary duplication.

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Sur les enjeux du commerce et du climat, les deux politistes Noémie Laurens et Jean-Frédéric Morin invitent, dans une tribune au « Monde », à mieux choisir ses batailles, par exemple, à s’attaquer aux subventions octroyées aux énergies fossiles, plutôt qu’à remettre en cause le CETA.

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 L’ACEUM est aux antipodes de ce que représente Trump.

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La ratification de l’Accord économique et commercial global (AECG ou CETA en anglais) par les députés de l’Assemblée nationale française a été précédée de débats houleux dans l’Hexagone, portés par les interventions fort médiatisées de Nicolas Hulot et de Greta Thunberg. Mais l’AECG omet-il réellement de dûment tenir compte de considérations environnementales, comme les débats entourant ces deux interventions pourraient le laisser croire ?

L’AECG s’illustre dans le palmarès des 10 accords commerciaux présentant la plus grande diversité de dispositions environnementales depuis 1947. Il contient 126 différents types d’engagements et traite donc d’une large variété de sujets liés à l’environnement. Par ailleurs, l’AECG prévoit un nombre considérable de 380 références à l’environnement, ce qui le place à la 13e position des accords abordant le plus fréquemment cette question. L’AECG s’inscrit ainsi dans la tendance globale de multiplication des engagements environnementaux dans les accords de commerce, et l'analyse comparative dans l’historique des accords commerciaux permet difficilement de conclure que l’environnement est insuffisamment pris en considération par le gouvernement canadien actuel lors de la négociation de traités de libre-échange.

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CAMR has failed to live up to its promise and is essentially a nightmare of red tape, political pandering and missed opportunities, putting lives and Canada’s international reputation on the line.

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In recent years, cities have become visible in the realm of global climate governance. While they sometimes talk in their own name, they are often represented by Transnational Municipal Networks (TMNs). TMNs are structures in which cities discuss and exchange information and good practices, and collaborate on a variety of urban issues. They can also be considered actors promoting the interests of cities at the global level. Scholars have looked at the emergence of TMNs, their functions, and their effects. There is some confusion regarding the latter, especially the capacity of TMNs to generate novel practices and the way in which these might emerge. This study focuses on governance instruments as novelties generated by TMNs. Considering the fact that not all TMNs generate novel instruments, it asks: why do some TMNs generate more novel governance instruments than others? To answer this question, this research uses a network and complex system framework, seeing interactions as the main enabling condition for the emergence of novel instruments. It also uses some insights from organisational theories to study TMN age and organisational resources as possible variables explaining the emergence of novelty. This study then conducts an empirical analysis on the interactions and governance tools emerging in a system comprising of 15 TMNs. A social network analysis and cross-case analysis show that the combination of centrality, diversity, and age explain TMN novel instruments. A comparative case study of C40 and 100RC underline that, in the absence of high centrality, diversity, and age scores, the presence of a governance entrepreneur and high organisational resources might also explain the rise of novel governance instruments. This research contributes to studies on the influence of TMNs in environmental and climate governance by showing how novel governance instruments emerge. Accordingly, it answers wider concerns about the need for a diversification of tools in order to govern cities as well as other transnational actors of global climate governance.

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